Carnovale, Vera, Los combatientes. Historia del PRT-ERP, Buenos Aires, Siglo Veintiuno Editores, , – Ebook download as PDF File .pdf) or. Los combatientes: historia del PRT-ERP. Responsibility: Vera Carnovale. Language: Spanish. In Spanish. Author/Creator: Carnovale, Vera, author. Carnovale, Vera, Los combatientes. Historia del PRT-ERP, Buenos Aires, Siglo XXI editores, , p. [Full text]. [23/01/]. Published in Nuevo Mundo.
|Genre:||Health and Food|
|Published (Last):||9 June 2004|
|PDF File Size:||20.50 Mb|
|ePub File Size:||11.18 Mb|
|Price:||Free* [*Free Regsitration Required]|
The s in Argentina was a time convulsed by profound social, cultural, and political changes. Reflecting on the effect these processes had on the everyday, conceived as the spaces and routines involved in the reproduction of life that vary according to social class, generation, and gender, provides a valuable perspective for vers historical phenomena.
It gives substance to and evidences the social nature of personal experience. Through that prism, the study of everyday life will be the gateway to understanding the turbulence produced by cultural effervescence, growing consumerism, the expansion of the media, the problems triggered by economic instability and escalating inflation, and the ruptures caused by political and social radicalization and the rise of repressive violence.
Everyday Life in Argentina in the 1960s
Inthere were 20, people living in Argentina; 72 percent lived in urban areas, which had increased 10 percent since Urban concentration, which had long been a trend, intensified in the following decade. In79 percent of the population lived in cities, half of whom were in cities larger than half a million inhabitants.
On top of this heterogeneity, however, interrelated sociocultural, economic, and political processes were at work that took on different meanings in each different space and within each class, gender, and generation. The increase in wages which were 62 percent higher in than inthe improvement in health coverage, the expansion of public services light, running water, sewage systemsand the expansion of housing policy public construction, mortgage loans, and residential property laws had a deep impact on social reality.
This is not to combatienets that Peronism eliminated all social inequality, but, as a whole, these advancements created a combatienres expression in daily life.
Homeowners went up vra In addition, these benefits allowed for greater enjoyment of comfort, consumerism, and recreation.
This placed lifestyle in the center of the arguments. When the economic situation worsened at the end of the clmbatientes product shortages, rising prices, inflationthe opposition disturbed daily life in order to destabilize the government. It also utilized anxieties among the middle classes that led to the laws to expand the rights of people born out of wedlock or the sanction of divorce.
In the economic domain, the military government —which arose as a result of the coup, favored a free market and restricted state intervention. Their share of the industrial gross product decreased from 47 percent in to This was evidenced by the housing problem: Bynearly a third of all families in Buenos Aires shared a home with other families. During these years, housing access was further aggravated with the suspension of public financing and rental laws, which blocked reform and tenant eviction.
These measures had an effect on vast segments of the working and middle classes. However, each social class took different approaches to facing the new context. Considerable sectors of the combatiientes classes were in a position to attain new ways of purchasing, such as private loans and purchasing consortia, for which a company offered to first pay for a plot of land for a group of future apartment owners, and pay off the construction costs in installments.
The sectors with less economic power had to resort to renting houses or apartments, or even a room in a collective home. For the most impoverished, the solution was squatting or purchasing lots without registration in an illegal market. In Greater Buenos Aires, the proportion of squatters grew from 5 percent in to Migration—a long-term strategy against poverty—was a reality for many men, women, teens, and children.
Inaround The majority of migrants, who came from inland and from bordering countries, converged in the metropolitan area and outlying areas of Buenos Aires, which grew by 35 percent between and The uprooting often happened in steps. The first destination was a medium-sized town towns of 2, inhabitants grew from in to inand the next was a somewhat larger city. Women and children had to carry water from a nearby tap.
Unstable kerosene stoves caused fires that often ended in tragedy. Copious rainstorms flooded the streets and tore apart homes. The slums were an essential component of modernization, as the famous avant-garde artist Antonio Berni expressed with his character Juanito Laguna, a boy who embodied the life of the working classes, created from the discarded waste of the wealthier classes, the same waste on which the poorest inhabitants subsisted in big cities.
The expansion of the consumer society accelerated. With this policy, the service and trade sectors grew. Inaccording to the census, there weretrade employees andoffice employees in the country which represented 20 percent of all active workers and in the federal capital, these groups rose to 32 percent, withandworkers, respectively.
These sectors were greatly affected by the new patterns of consumption. Indeed, none of these tendencies were entirely new, but they intensified in catnovale sixties and became strongly associated with a middle class whose core lay at the intersection of the ban on Peronism and the developmental program that promised them modernity.
The growth of domestic industry significantly expanded the supply of household appliances: In this time frame, households experienced a technological boom. Inonly 20 percent of homes in Buenos Aires had an electric refrigerator, while inthe proportion nationwide reached 80 percent of all homes with electricity. With this increase came a change in combbatientes time and organization of household work.
It came, however, slowly, gradually, and with paradoxical and contradictory effects in terms of dreams of technological innovation. Television set the schedule for the families that had access to it—soap operas for housewives and cartoons for children after school—but it did not promote family unity or intimacy as many had predicted.
New cleaning equipment appeared in homes, but it frequently increased cleanliness standards and reinforced gender-specific division of labor. In many cases, technological carnlvale led to new conflicts in family relationships.
In addition, this consumerism also established new social barriers: The sixties in Argentina, just as elsewhere, constituted an era marked by the belief that societies were going through a momentous process of social, political, and cultural upheaval that impacted the familial and sexual status quo.
There was an understanding that these changes were irreversible, but no similar understanding of the direction these changes would take.
Everyday Life in Argentina in the s – Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Latin American History
This uncertainty triggered deep contention—in both public and private spaces—surrounding family relationships, sexual mores, and lifestyle. Argentina, just like Latin America as a whole, has historically been characterized by diversity in verq norms of domestic organization.
However, unlike other Latin American countries, Argentina veraa a rapid and early demographic transition during the first decades of the 20th century, which affected birth rates on a nationwide scale the average number of children per woman decreased from 7 in to 5. But this decline in birth rates did not detract from the importance of familial diversity.
Inalmost one in three children was born out of wedlock, and profound regional disparities existed in the number of children per woman. For example, inthe average birth rate in the city of Buenos Aires was 1. As in the past, for many women and men to create a family, they went through the steps of getting married, moving to a new home, and having children, although many others simply had a common-law union, continued sharing a home with other family members, and had children without ever being married, or even raised children that they themselves had not conceived.
The diversity of types of families contrasted, historically, with a normativity that glorified the nuclear family, a reduction in number of children, and a division of labor that meant a female housewife and male breadwinner, as was shown in many books and public advertisements.
These homogeneous and limited visions took on a particular density in the 20th century because, in a heterogeneous, troubled, and dense society, the importance given to family behavior and values was exacerbated in the clash for social dominance.
Having a white wedding—the symbol of virginity—being a full-time mother, or having rosy-cheeked, educated children allowed families to express to the rising sectors that they held positions in society that supposedly differentiated them from the working classes.
This generated dynamics of discrimination toward those who lived in the margins of this established normativity—children born out of wedlock, common-law marriages, and single mothers—which allowed for strong contention that took on increased visibility with Peronism.
In the sixties, this family normativity was positioned in the center of debates on numerous subjects, but it was young people, with their expressions, ideas, and attitudes, who explored new ways of thinking about love, sex, and family.
It was possible to come carnovals meetings of girls and tables in cafeterias in which the value of virginity, the obligation to marry, or how to distribute household duties were debated.
The discussion did not imply that one agreed with the news. However, these topics in the public sphere marked a new era, which circulated new concepts, jargon, and aesthetics that exuded modernity and had, by virtue of its mere existence, a sense of defiance. These innovations were marked by constant contradictions and negotiations between the maintenance and reinforcement of the status quo. Even rhetoric of rupture could be used to caenovale conservatism.
The interweaving of vrea with carnovalw became increasingly visible with regard to marriage. Often, many different actors coincided in diagnosing the crisis that marriage faced. But the critiques questioned relationship styles—indissoluble marriage, authoritarian patterns, women as housewives—more than the value of the stable and heterosexual couple as an appropriate space for sexuality, reproduction, and daily life.
This atmosphere affected broad segments of the population with regard to the debates, although, as is often the case, there were very few who were involved in a rupture of their own life decisions. In fact, the decline in marriage—which had begun in —stopped inat 6.
But this tendency—strongly linked to the ups and downs of economic crises—was concurrent with the rise of divorces, which were not binding since the law passed by Peronism had been suspended after his overthrow, but which doubled between and It was estimated that 60 percent of ordinary trials were absolute divorces and one in three couples in were separated or about to separate, according to UNESCO.
There was also an increase in common-law unions, which rose from 7 percent in to 9. In this case, the rate even increased in the city of Buenos Aires, the jurisdiction where it was the lowest historically, from 14 percent in to 20 percent in It also took place in working-class jurisdictions as well as those that were identified with the middle class, in which the social mandate on virginity had been especially popular in the past.
This outlook acquired new meaning in the context of increasing authoritarianism, censorship, and moralist campaigns in defense of Western and Christian values. In fact, questioning customs and the moralist repression, that was supported by broad segments of society, composed a duo that, like an oxymoron, defines the contradictions that marked this era of profound struggles surrounding the status quo.
In the sixties, generational and gender-based tensions were at the epicenter of the conflicts with the social, political, and familial status quo.
The struggles of the younger generation fed into the opposition on a transnational scale, but they took on distinct forms in each country and social space. In Latin America, the influence from the Cuban Revolution was critical to what formed the context for the ban on Peronism in Argentina, as well as the rise of authoritarianism and the deterioration of living conditions for the working class with increasing economic instability.
In this context, large segments of young people—male and female alike—participated in social and political organization, emboldened by the anti-dictatorial struggle and by the promise of the revolutionary utopia.
But the disputes involving the younger generations tackled a wide range of issues in which the young men and women defied the authority of their parents, schools, and the state in the dynamics of daily life.
The importance of these conflicts occurred within the framework of recognition of youth cultures, strongly marked by differences in class, gender, and age, that were modeled after—and also brought forth—important social, economic, and political phenomena.
The increase in secondary education enrollment, which had spiked with Peronism, reached one-quarter of teenagers between 13 and 17 inand one-third in The experience placed young people in a common situation facing authority, institutional organization, teaching styles, and curricular content.
It positioned them in a space that encouraged their autonomy and sociability. Leisure, outings, and friendships were forming new bonds, new belonging, and new identities. Particular worries, readings, and preferences established empathies and differences in which social, cultural, and ideological distance could intervene. However, these tastes could also result in crossing the boundaries of social classes.
The market used these possibilities accordingly and, at the same time, favored these emerging youth identities by supplying goods in relation to leisure—dances, movie theaters, and candy shops, blue jeans and long hair, miniskirts and hippie-style bags—or the music industry, which was central to the emergence of these youth identities.
Individual and distinctive cultures arose. At the end of the s and beginning of the s, the rock-and-roll wave, with the peak of local bands such as Los GatosSui Generisand Almendrawhose albums were veritable hits in their time period, expressed a form of opposition with their androgynous and hippie style that congregated in concerts and plazas, and, often, left the city. It was a style that distinguished itself from the rebellion led by the intellectual and politicized youth with their own circuits and productions: In spite of their differences, many young people were able to move through different cultural expressions or cultivate them in different moments of their explorations.
In each sociocultural space, there existed different codes of conduct and expectations regarding courtship, engagement, and sexuality. With that legitimization, people could feel that they were breaking the rules if a couple got married without a religious ceremony or a girl had a casual sexual encounter without emotional attachment.